Jahangir (1605 - 1627)

Rajput policy: -

• • His Rajput policy reflected more continuity than change.
• • He maintained good relations with Rajputs. He continued to induct them into royal service and even continued matrimonial relations.
• • However, he favoured the Bundela Rajputs over the Kachhwahas.
  • ◦ In one way, it was justified because the over-importance of the Kachhawa family was creating friction in the relationship with other Rajput families.

Religious policy: -

• • Jahangir, as a whole, maintained the liberal religious policy of Akbar.
• • Even after Akbar, he continued to promote Din-i-Ilahi by giving Shasta.
• • Likewise, he also gave a large donation to Bir Singh Bundela for building Hindu temples at Mathura, Vrindavan and Banaras.
• • He even permitted his grandson to adopt Christianity.
• • But certain steps taken by him put a question mark on his liberal policy.
  • ◦ For example, he tortured Guru Arjandeva to death.
  • ◦ On one occasion he demolished the Boar statue at Pushkar.
  • ◦ Likewise, he banished Digambar saints from Gujarat.

Deccani policy:-

It was Akbar who first set foot in the Deccan, snatched Berar and Balaghat, and then annexed Khandesh.

• • Jahangir did not have any specific ambition in the Deccan, rather he simply wanted to maintain control over the regions conquered by Akbar.
• • In the meantime, Malik Amber, emerged as the prime minister of Ahmadnagar.
  • ◦ With the combined power of Ahmednagar, Bijapur and Golconda, he expelled the Mughal Subedar, Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, from the Deccan.
• • Then Jahangir sent Khurram to suppress the revolt.
  • ◦ He restored the Mughal power by defeating the combined forces of Ahmednagar, Bijapur and Golconda.
  • ◦ Jahangir awarded him the title of ‘Shah Jahan’ to commemorate this victory.
  • ◦ But even now, Jahangir did not claim more territory from the defeated powers.
• • It amply shows that Jahangir wasn’t having any further territorial ambition in the Deccan.

Shahjahan (1628 - 1658)

Rajput policy:-

We can underline a slight change in the Rajput policy of Shahjahan.

• • Although he continued to employ Rajput nobles into Mughal service, he discouraged matrimonial relations with them.

Religious policy:-

Even in his religious policy, Shahjahan seemed to have made a departure from the liberal outlook of Akbar and Jahangir.

• • He showed a sense of religious orthodoxy and promoted Islam.
  • ◦ He nullified the marriages of Muslim girls to Hindu men in Kashmir and decreed that they would remain void, till they were performed again with Islamic customs.
  • ◦ Some instances of temple demolition also took place at Orchha.
  • ◦ He also tried to revive the pilgrimage tax but after the advice of Kavindracharya (saint of Mathura), he withdrew the change.
• • However, he displayed religious liberalism during the later phase of life, probably under the influence of Dara Shikoh and Jahanara Begum.

Deccan policy: -

Shortly after the enthronement of Shahjahan, Khan-i-Jahan Lodhi, the governor of the Deccan revolted with the help of Murtaza Nizam Shah, the ruler of Ahmadnagar.

Thus, Shahjahan decided to annihilate Ahmednagar completely. He believed that this was the only solution for the Deccani problem.

• • The rebellion was crushed, and in 1633, Ahmednagar was annexed.
• • But soon after this, he made a very strong diplomatic gesture towards Bijapur and Golconda because he knew that their support was necessary to give legitimacy to the Mughal conquest of Ahmednagar.
• • In 1636, a historical agreement was signed. It’s important provisions were-
  • ◦ Bijapur was given one-third of the territory of Ahmednagar in return for a payment of 80 Lakh Rupees.
  • ◦ Bijapur and Golconda were given the right to expand in the south at the cost of Nayakas and whatever region they conquered, would be divided 2:1 i.e. two parts to Bijapur and one part to Golkonda.
• • But in 1656, Shahjahan reversed his prior commitments.

Subsequent events proved that the reversal of the treaty by the Mughal Emperor would result in the Deccan crisis.

Aurangzeb (1658-1707)

In the evaluation of Aurangzeb, one can find different approaches to historiography –

1. Traditional approach
2. Marxist/ New approach

Traditional approach:-

• • Scholars like Sir Jadunath Sarkar, S.R. Sharma and others belong to this school.
• • According to this approach, Aurangzeb was presented as an antithesis to Akbar. It was his orthodox religious policy and prejudiced Rajput policy which became instrumental in the decline of the Mughal Empire.
  • ◦ About his religious policy, it has been emphasised that Aurangzeb tried to rule in strict adherence with Sharia law from the very beginning and that there was no change in his policy throughout his career.
  • ◦ Likewise, his Rajput policy was projected as part of his anti-Hindu agenda and it was emphasised that this proved very costly for the empire.

Marxist/ New approach:-

• • After the 1950s, a new trend in historiography emerged. According to this new historiography, the role of an individual shouldn’t be over-emphasised as a factor of change rather it should be evaluated in the context of the objective material factors.
• • So now they emphasised on the objectives behind and the impacts of the religious, Rajput and Deccan policies of Aurangzeb.
  • ◦ In this way, the new historiography created the background for the re-evaluation of the religious policy, Rajput policy as well as Deccan policy of Aurangzeb.

Religious Policy of Aurangzeb

Stage One (before 1679): -

1. It is true, in his personal conviction, Aurangzeb was an orthodox Sunni Muslim, but it is equally true that his policy and programmes were guided not only by his orthodox mind but also by the circumstances of which he was a product.
   • ◦ For example, in one sense, the basis of his orthodox religious policy was prepared in the course of his war of succession itself.
     • ■ During the war of succession with Dara Shukoh, he gave the slogan ‘Islam vs Heretics’ i.e. Aurangzeb vs Dara Shukoh. Thus, he raised the expectations of ulemas and orthodox Muslims, winning their support. It was natural for him to appease these sections.
   • ◦ But initially, he tried to appease orthodox Muslims and ulemas without antagonising Hindus.
     • ■ So, he started a purification programme within Islam and banned all intoxicants, striking off Kalima from coins, banning the Tika ceremony and Tuladan etc.
2. Then he took some measures which could be perceived as harsh but for every such measure, individual factors could be identified.
   • ◦ For example, he banned history-writing as well as music. According to Marxist historians, this was an economic measure, with the objective of shedding off some burden on the treasury.
   • ◦ He dismissed the Hindu officers from the post of Karori for sometime. This step was guided by the objective to promote employment among the Muslim youth.
   • ◦ He ordered the governor of Banares and Thatta to demolish some temples. But this also, was a reaction against rebellions in these regions.

Stage Two (1679-1687): -

The second stage in his policy started in 1679 when he revived the Jizya.

• • On the basis of observations made by Manucci, some modern scholars had tried to establish that the imposition of Jizya was the result of the economic compulsions of Aurangzeb.
  • ◦ But this view is not convincing because the amount collected as Jizya was spent for the promotion of Islam at the discretion of the ulemas. So, there was no question of its replenishing the royal treasury.
• • During the second half of his rule, Aurangzeb became entangled in Deccani issues. According to Shariyat, the bloodshed of Muslim brethren was prohibited. On this pretext, some important ulemas refused to issue Fatwa against Deccani states.
  • ◦ He needed a way to win their support. It was in this context that Jizya was revived.
• • The decision to re-impose the Jizya was also motivated by another factor.
  • ◦ By this period, a number of revolts against the Mughals had been organised at the local level, such as the Jat revolt, Rajput revolt, Satnami revolt, etc. by the Hindu community.

Stage three (1687-1707):-

Once again we can underline a shift in his policy towards non-Muslims after 1687 after he conquered the state of Bijapur and Golconda.

• • Bhim Sen, a scholar who accompanied Aurangzeb to the Deccan, informs us that after conquering Bijapur and Golconda, Aurangzeb didn’t demolish any temples.
• • He also abolished Jizya in the Deccan in 1704.
  • ◦ Although the pretext behind this was recurring famine, the actual reason was that Aurangzeb needed the support of Hindu Nayakas against the Marathas.

So, there is no reason to accept that neither age nor experience brought any change in the religious policy of Aurangzeb.

Rajput Policy

• • In 1679, after the demise of Jaswant Singh, the ruler of Jodhpur, the question of succession appeared.
• • The intervention of Aurangzeb in this matter resulted in an open conflict between the Mughal Empire and the Rathods of Jodhpur under Durga Das. Later even Sisodias of Mewar joined the Rathods in this fight.

Traditionally, about the Rajput policy of Aurangzeb, there are two general perceptions-

• • I. Aurangzeb reversed the Rajput policy of his predecessors.
• • II. The reversal of Rajput policy by him resulted in the disintegration of the empire.

But the view mentioned above isn’t convincing on following grounds-

Firstly, Aurangzeb didn’t reverse the Rajput policy of Akbar. We have sufficient reasons to prove it.

• • Aurangzeb continued to induct Rajputs in royal service. Not simply that, under Aurangzeb, high Zat and Sawar ranks were enjoyed by two Rajput nobles i.e. Raja Jai Singh and Jaswant Singh.
• • Further, since the time of Jahangir, after recalling Man Singh from Bengal, no Rajput Mansabdar had been given the post of Subedar. It was Aurangzeb who appointed Jai Singh and Jaswant Singh to that post. So, the idea of reversal of Rajput policy doesn’t appear to be convincing.

Secondly, even the impact of the conflict between Aurangzeb and Rajput states shouldn’t be overestimated.

• • Even after Aurangzeb lost the support of the Rathods and Sisodiyas, he continued to enjoy the support of Ranthambhore, Amber, Bundi, and Kota states.
• • Apart from that, when Jagat Singh, the successor of Rana Raj Singh of Mewar, withdrew himself from this conflict then the scope of this conflict remained much limited.

Deccani policy of Aurangzeb

Traditionally, the Deccan policy of Aurangzeb was evaluated by Sir Jadunath Sarkar. Aurangzeb’s Deccan policy was treated as if unrestricted expansion was simply a matter of choice for him.

• • He tried to prove that Aurangzeb’s empire collapsed under its own weight.
• • Aurangzeb was compared to a python that swallowed more than it could digest.
• • He declared further that as Spanish Ulcer ruined Napoleon so Deccani Ulcer ruined Aurangzeb.

But after deep observation, we find that territorial expansion was not only a matter of choice, rather it was a matter of material compulsion for almost all Mughal rulers, not only for Aurangzeb.

• • For example, if Akbar brought the region of Berar, Balaghat and Khandesh under his control, it was not simply to fulfil his imperialistic desire but also to control the trade of Gujarat and Malwa.
• • Likewise, in 1656, when Shah Jahan reversed the treaty of 1636, setting the stage for Southward expansion by Aurangzeb, one of the reasons behind it was to have effective control over the trade of the Coromandel coast.
  • ◦ In fact, in the second half of the 17th century, the mercantile traffic on the Coromandel coast was almost 4 times larger than that on Gujarat coast. Aurangzeb’s Deccan policy should be viewed in this context as well.
• • In this way, Aurangzeb’s Deccan policy was a proper mix between imperialistic design and material compulsion.
• • But it is also true that, through several personal mistakes, he brought the situation from bad to worse in Deccan.
  • ◦ For example, he failed to perceive the popular character of the Maratha movement and the brutal execution of Sambhaji proved to be unwise.

Critically examine the impact of Deccani policy: -

Negatives: -

1. Aurangzeb remained wholly involved in the Deccan imbroglio for 25 long years, so overall administration slackened.
2. Due to his involvement in Deccan, he continued to appoint Mansabdars on a massive scale from among the Deccani nobles. So it intensified the demand for more and more Jagirs.
3. When the Mansabdari system was extended towards the infertile regions of Deccan, the crisis intensified further.

Positives: -

The Deccan expedition of the Mughals, don’t present simply a story of all-round failure, rather they produced some positive results as well.

1. As a result of Mughal influence, the Zabti system was extended to the Deccan region as well.
2. As the Mughal empire declined, there appeared some regional states like the Marathas, Hyderabad and Mysore, which provided efficient government in the Deccan.
3. Before the Mughal conquest of the Deccan, gold was the main currency in South India, while in North India silver currency was dominant. But after the advent of Mughals, monetary unification became possible, as silver currency was introduced as the main currency in South India as well.

Revolts against Aurangzeb:–

A series of revolts in the 1670s onward occurred, some important revolts were -

1. Jat Revolt:- In 1669, under Gokul Jat and in 1685 under Raja Ram Jat. Both were the Zamindars of Mathura.
2. Satnami Revolt:- Satnamis were the followers of St. Kabir and the majority of them were cultivators belonging to the lower castes. In 1672, they revolted against the state.
3. Afghan revolt:- Afghans consisted of different tribes, and from time to time one or other tribe revolted. Earlier this revolt took place under Bhagu. Then in 1672, once again there was a rise of Afghans under Akmal Khan.
4. Rajput Revolt:- Rathods of Jodhpur revolted under the leadership of Durga Das in 1679, later joined by Rana Raj Singh of Mewar.
5. Maratha Revolt:- Throughout his life, Aurangzeb faced the challenge of Marathas.

Nature of these revolts:-

About the nature and character of such revolts, there emerged much controversy.

Some of the scholars tried to project them as a reaction against the religious orthodoxy of Aurangzeb. They point out that except the Afghan revolt, all other revolts are associated with the Hindus.

But such a view doesn’t appear to be convincing. The basic causes behind these revolts were political and economic. It is a different matter that they were organised within the framework of religion.

• • The fact that the whole of the Mughal administration, even under Aurangzeb, was running mostly on the pillar of Hindu officers, cannot be ignored.
• • Rajput Mansabdars enjoyed the highest position under the empire.

After closer examination, we come to realise that for every such revolt, an individual reason was accountable.

• • For example, in the case of Jat, Satnami, Sikh and Maratha revolts, agrarian discontent was a major factor.
• • On the other hand, Afghans appear to have been guided by a strong sense of tribal independence.
• • While in Rajputs’ case, the revolt was the reaction against the intervention of the Mughal Empire into the matter of succession.

Q. Do you take the Mughal Empire as a centralised state?

• • Some historians such as Irfan Habib, Athar Ali etc. hold that Mughal administrative structure was highly centralised. This centralization is manifested in the efficient working of land revenue system, mansab and jagir, uniform coinage, etc.
• • But Stephen P. Blake and J.F. Richards, while they accept the centralising tendencies, point out that the Mughal Empire was ‘patrimonial bureaucratic’. For them, everything seemed centred around the imperial household and the vast bureaucracy.
• • For Streusand, despite being centralised near the core areas, the Mughal structure was less centralised at its periphery.
• • Chetan Singh supports this view. He is of the opinion that even in the 17th century the Mughal Empire was not very centralised.
  • ◦ For him, the centralised structure controlled through the efficient working of the jagirdari system seems to hold little ground.
  • ◦ According to him, jagir transfers were not as frequent as they appear, and the local elements at the periphery were quite successful in influencing the policies at the centre.

Conclusion-

• • The extent to which the Mughal Empire was centralised in practice can be a matter of debate.
• • However, theoretically the Mughal administrative structure seems to be highly centralised and bureaucratic in nature.
• • The Emperor was the fountainhead of all powers, and bureaucracy was mere ‘bandai dargah’ (slaves of the court).
• • In spite of the vast range of powers enjoyed by the central ministers, they were not allowed to usurp and interfere in each others’ jurisdiction nor to assume autocratic powers.
• • The Mughals through a system of checks and balances prevented any minister or officer from gaining unlimited powers.
• • Administration under Mughal was constituted on the basis of two principles:
  • ◦ administrative uniformity, and
  • ◦ check and balance.
• • In central administration, there were four important officers i.e. Diwan-i-Ala, Mir Bakshi, Mir-i-Saman, and Sadr-us-Sudr.
  • ◦ Diwan-i-Ala was responsible for the assessment and collection of revenue and maintained the accounts of income and expenditure.
    • ■ In order to maintain a check on the department, Akbar appointed an officer of humble origin.
    • ■ Sometimes he even appointed half a dozen Diwans in order to maintain check and balance within the department.
  • ◦ Mir Bakshi used to enjoy all the powers pertaining to the military department.
    • ■ However, the supreme command of the army remained in the hands of the Emperor.
    • ■ Further, while Mir Bakshi used to recommend the candidates for the post of Mansabdars, a Mansabdar could be appointed only by the Emperor himself, after an interview.
    • ■ Mir Bakshi also used to recommend the salary, but the salary was released by the Diwan-i-Ala.
  • ◦ Mir-i-Saman, was responsible for the supply of all the essential commodities to the royal palace. Royal Karkhanas were also under his supervision.
    • ■ In order to maintain the proper checks over the department, its annual accounts were scrutinised by the department of Diwan.
  • ◦ Lastly, the Sadr-us-Sudr was responsible for religious endowments. This department used to distribute land grants (Waqf) and Wazifa (cash).
    • ■ Effective checks were maintained by having the accounts scrutinised by the Diwan.
• • Provincial administration was supposed to be a replica of the central administration. The standard provincial administration was introduced for the first time by Akbar.
  • ◦ Subedar/Nazim was appointed as the head of administration. Apart from him, provincial Diwan, provincial Bakshi and provincial Qazi were associated with the provincial administration.
• • In order to maintain a proper check and balance even in provincial administration, some steps were taken.
  • ◦ The Subedar was officially the head of administration, but sometimes an officer with higher Mansabdar rank was appointed as Diwan.
  • ◦ Likewise, the provincial Bakshi was given the responsibility of espionage. He was authorised to pass sensitive information directly to the centre, bypassing the Subedar.
• • At the level of Sarkar, an officer Faujdar, was appointed for the supervision of the whole administration.
  • ◦ Sometimes more than one Faujdar was appointed in the same Sarkar.

Agrarian structure under Mughals

When we observe rural structure under Mughals, we find a clear cut division and hierarchy among the peasantry.

• • The higher peasants who owned and cultivated their own land were termed ‘Khud Kasht’ in North India, ‘Mirasdar’ in Maharashtra, ‘Gharhul’ in Rajasthan.
• • There were also lower peasants who did not have land and they worked as sharecroppers on other’s fields. They were termed as ‘Pahikast’ in north India.
• • Beneath the Pahikast, there was another level of the peasants who were known as ‘Mujarian’. They were just marginal farmers as they were having a small tract of land. So, they worked on others’ fields as agricultural labour also.
• • Other than Mujarian there was a large band of agricultural labour who worked as the wage labour in the agricultural field.
• • Above peasantry, there was a hierarchy of landlords (middle men) who were associated with the collection of revenue.
  • ◦ Under the Delhi Sultanate different names were given to the Zamindars in different regions. For example, Khut and Muqaddam in north India, Satrahavi and Viswi in Awadh and Banth in Rajasthan.
• • But during the Mughal period they were known by a single name, Zamindar.
• • According to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the category of Zamindars were
  1. Primary Zamindars
  2. Secondary Zamindars
  3. Autonomous Zamindars/ Rajas / {Highest Status}
• • Primary Zamindars, apart from being the collector of revenue, were themselves cultivators as well while the secondary Zamindars and Rajas were associated only with collection of revenue.

How did the Mughal state influence rural structure?

• • The Mughal Empire was in search of more and more resources so, in comparison to other regimes, it tried to penetrate the countryside more actively and efficiently.
• • Increasing the movement of officers in rural areas, measurement of land, and then determining land revenue accordingly ended the seclusion of villages.
• • Towards Zamindars, Akbar had a very specific policy.
  • ◦ The autonomous Hindu kings were encouraged to join the Mughal Mansabdari.
  • ◦ On the other hand, his policy towards smaller Zamindars was different. In fact, his emphasis was to convert more and more Khidmati Zamindars into Kharaj giving Zamindars.
• • Mughal state encouraged the collection of revenue in cash. It encouraged the production of cash crops in the rural areas. Thus it created further differentiation among the peasantry.
• • Crafts production was encouraged during this period as there was the expansion of internal and external trade.
  • ◦ Due to the heavy demand of craft production, merchants even involved village handicrafts into the production of merchandise goods.
  • ◦ It gave a jolt to the self-sufficient nature of village economy, popularly known as Jajmani System.

Agrarian Economy

• • Under the Mughal empire, agrarian production was in good condition. India was among selected countries in the world where the larger part of cultivable land was available.
• • Furthermore, due to a wide range of climatic conditions as well as the availability of the different quality of soil, there was a scope for different crops. Abul Fazl in his Ain-e-Akbari presented a long list of crops.
• • During the Mughal period, the cash crops of Opium, Indigo, Cotton and Sugarcane were important items. Then in the beginning of the 17th century, the Portuguese introduced Tobacco in India. By the end of the 17th century, its production expanded.
• • It was in the 17th century itself that even maize was introduced in India.
• • Even the production of coffee started in India. Likewise, silk production was an important item in Bengal, Assam, Kashmir, and western India. Bengal was definitely the main centre of production where the production started from the 15th century onwards.
• • By the 18th century, even some new cash crops like red chilli and potatoes were introduced. Apart from that, several fruits were also introduced e.g. pineapple, cashew nut, papaya.
• • At that time, for irrigation different methods were in use e.g. Sakia (Persian wheel) was already in use, drawing water from wells i.e. lever system. Furthermore, for irrigation, even canals were built. The state used to give economic assistance to the peasantry for digging wells.
• • Furthermore, the state was interested in developing barren land through the resettlement of the peasantry in that region.

Decline of Mughal Empire

The Mughal Empire remained unparalleled in its geographical reach, political stature and grandeur during the medieval period. So naturally, its decline attracted a large number of scholars who tried to interpret its decline in their own respective manner.

• • Some earlier scholars like Irwin and Jadunath Sarkar tried to explain the decline in the context of the role of personality i.e. Aurangzeb’s orthodox policy and reactions against it.
• • While some scholars focused on the incompetency of later Mughal rulers, irresponsible and characterless Mughal aristocracy as the factor behind the decline of the Mughal Empire. But in course of time, such views lost their lustre.

From 1950 onwards, the debate about the decline of the Mughal Empire came to hover around institutional factors. Normally the Aligarh School of Historiography had talked in terms of crisis for the decline of the Mughal Empire.

• • It was in this context, Satish Chandra and Irfan Habib presented the theory of Jagirdari crisis and Agrarian crisis respectively.
• • Then Professor Noorul Hasan focussed upon zamindars under Mughals.
• • Even Athar Ali made a study of Jagirdari system under Mughals.

Later in the 1970s, some scholars like M.N. Pearson, P. Hardy and J.F. Frederick, etc. gave a partial challenge to the view of Aligarh scholars and they started to talk in terms of Mughal involvement in Deccan as the important factor behind the decline.

• • But even these scholars couldn’t modify the view of the crisis and the whole process of decline continued to be discussed in the terms of the crisis itself.

Recently, in the study of the decline of the Mughal Empire, there has been a rise of revisionist historiography. It tried to give a serious challenge to the view of crisis. Rather it started to talk about economic prosperity at the regional level.

• • For that, a region-centric view was adopted in the study of the decline of the Mughal Empire.
• • Muzaffar Alam, Chetan Singh, Karen Leonard, Sanjay Subrahmanyan, etc. adopted a new paradigm for the study of decline of the Mughal Empire. Now it has been emphasised that during the early 18th century there was the rise of certain prosperous economic regions like Bareilly, Awadh, Bengal, etc.
• • Two factors contributed to economic prosperity at regional level.
  • ◦ One was the influx of silver due to European trade and
  • ◦ The second was the production of cash crops.
• • According to this school, different regions always felt the pressure from the Mughal Empire and were compelled to submit a major part of the surplus to the centre.
  • ◦ Consequently, the empire started to collapse and provincial states like Bengal, Awadh, Hyderabad, etc. came into existence.

When we take all the views mentioned above into consideration, we find that it will be too simplistic to rely on any single view.

• • The Mughal Empire was one of the largest empires to have existed in Indian history. Likewise, it had to face a number of internal as well as external challenges. Therefore, its decline might have been caused by a complex process, not by a single factor.
• • In some regions, the disruption in Jagirdari and agrarian system might be the cause and in some other regions, the economic prosperity might have encouraged separation and once the process of the dismemberment started, incompetent rulers could have intensified the process by adopting faulty policies.
• • Simultaneously, foreign invasions also added fuel to the fire.

Rise of the Marathas

Different views related to the rise of Marathas as a major power in Deccan towards the middle of the 17th century

• • The term “Maratha” originally referred to the speakers of the Marathi language.
• • In the 17th century, it emerged as a designation for soldiers serving in the armies of Deccan sultanates.
  • ◦ A number of Maratha warriors, including Shivaji’s father, Shahaji, originally served in those armies.
  • ◦ Gradually they emerged as a powerful political entity and by the mid-1660’s, Shivaji had established an independent Maratha kingdom. He was crowned as Chhatrapati (sovereign) of the new Maratha kingdom in 1674.

There are different perspectives regarding rise of Maratha as a power, which has been propounded by different historians:

1. Hindu reaction against policies of Aurangzeb: by Jadunath Sirkar, GS Sardesai, V. V Joshi:

• • This view focuses on Aurangzeb’s conservative religious policy. i.e. anti-Hindu approach, and rise of Marathas as reaction to this.
• • Shivaji was greatly influenced by the saint Ramdas who guided him onto an orthodox Hindu path.
• • Shivaji adopted the title ‘Haindava dharmodharaka’ at the time of coronation.
• • He also adopted the title of ‘Gau Brahman Pratipalak’.
• • The military campaigns of Shivaji was characterised by the slogan – ‘har har mahadev’.

Criticism of this view:

• • Early phase of rise of Marathas under Shahji and Shivaji started before Aurangzeb came to the throne.
  • ◦ This view presents a chronological error
• • After dealing with Bijapur and Golconda, the next target of the Marathas were the Nayakas and Deshmukh chiefs, this led to even destruction of temples.
• • Muslims were employed in Shivaji’s state system.
• • Shivaji didn’t not ally with Hindu powers such as Rajputs for rebelling against Mughals.
• • Titles adopted by Shivaji were general titles adopted by Hindu kings, so this was no departure.
• • Recent evidence and research have shown that Shivaji did not meet or know Ramdas until late in his life i.e after coronation.

2. National struggle for independence against alien rule (Mughals): by M.G Ranade, Raj Wade:

• • This perspective views the rise of the Marathas as the nascent beginning of the nationalist sentiment in India.
• • Geographical isolation of Marathwada region protected it from foreign invasions, fostered a feeling of regional independence among the Marathas. It also made possible, the effective use of guerrilla tactics against the Mughals.
• • Military confrontation against the Mughals turned the Marathas into hardy warriors and disciplined soldiers.

Criticism of this view:

• • The term foreign has been used in the context of north Indian powers which hardly seems to conform to the notion of nationalistic consciousness.
• • According to Satish Chardra: In a nationalistic struggle there is a primary condition- existence and role of middle class which is absent here.

3. Role of Maratha dharma, Marathi language, social cohesion etc:

• • Maharashtra dharma and the spread of the devotional cult:
  • ◦ Growth of Bhakti Movement fostered a sense of social cohesion and strong sense of brotherhood among the Marathas, leveled social distinctions and discrimination and created homogeneous society.
  • ◦ It provided the base for transforming the Marathas into a community with strong roots which was later grafted into a solid political base by Shivaji.
• • Common language Marathi:
  • ◦ Use of Marathi language by the Bhakta saints promoted a sense of unity among the Marathas and social unity paved the way for the rise of the Marathas as a major political force in the area.

Criticism:

• • P V Ranade disputes the view that the rise of Maratha power was caused by Maharashtra Dharma as it is very difficult to establish a direct link between Maharashtra dharma and the rise of Maratha power.
  • ◦ He considered it a myth that there was greater social unity and cohesion in Maratha society which was as much stratified as north Indian society.
  • ◦ For e.g. the word Watandar related to a class of indigenous, hereditary land owners. They were either Brahmins or Kshatriyas by caste. Constituting a caste based and economically dominant aristocracy, they shared the same exploitative tendencies that were displayed by the Mughal jagirdars or zamindars of peasantry.

4. Shivaji’s leadership:

• • Maraths emerged as a powerful force not before the rise of Shivaji.
• • He provided bold, dynamic and capable leadership to the Marathas and led them successfully to the attainment of political independence.
• • Marathas were groomed into a community by Shivaji through his political intelligence and foresight. He transformed them from plundering and marauding hordes into the most enduring and effective regional power to contest the authority of the Mughals.

Criticism

• • Discipline in the ranks of the Marathas was more a myth than a reality as can be seen in the policy of plunder and pillage followed by them towards their neighbour, both Hindus and Muslims.

5. Mughal expansion and pressure in Deccan: by Adrew Wink, Grant Duff:

• • The expansion of the Mughals in Deccan caused political uncertainty in the Deccan and posed threat to the both Deccani states and Marathas.
  • ◦ The Deccani Sultanates, hard pressed by the Mughals, were unable to check the growing power of the Maratha watandars and some even came to depend on the support of the Marathas against the Mughals.
• • Valuable military experience gained by the Maraths in course of their campaigns and the administrative experience obtained in the service of the Deccani Sultanates proved extremely helpful for the Marathas in later years.
• • The collapse of the Deccani Sultanates and the failure of the Mughals to consolidate their authority there left a political vacuum in the Deccan which the Maraths tried to and succeeded in filling up.
• • This was the time when Shivaji began to mobilise the Maratha forces and began military adventure.
• • This view has not been questioned yet but there was perhaps more than just this reason.

6. Socio-economic factor, Representing Social tension and struggle: by Satish Chandra.

• • According to Satish chandra:
  • ◦ Maratha society was characterised by a land based hierarchical social structure.
  • ◦ Shivaji curtailed the power of big Deshmukhs, mitigated their abuses and established necessary supervisory authority.
  • ◦ Petty landholders, who were often at the mercy of bigger Deshmukhs benefited from this policy.
  • ◦ It was these petty landholders that became the basis of his strength.
• • The position of Marathas in the Varna system was ambivalent and as late as the early 19th century. The Marathas as a whole were not accepted as Kshatriyas by Brahmins.
  • ◦ This scenario resulted in deep ferment within the Maratha society and a trend of upward social mobility emerged.
    • ■ Shivaji’s claim of Kshatriya status at the time of coronation is a good example of such a trend.
    • ■ Many social groups relying on Shivaji were motivated by the prospect of rising in social scale.
    • ■ Maharashtra Dharma with its stress on egalitarian ideas provided as ideological justification for social mobility by individuals and groups.

Conclusion

• ◦ Thus, it was not religion or nationalism but political and social factors that provided the basis for the rise of Marathas.
• ◦ It can be seen as a regional reaction against the centralising tendencies of the Mughal Empire.
• ◦ The Marathas wanted a large principality for themselves, for which an ideal background was provided by the disintegration of the Nizam Shahi power of Ahmednagar and the introduction of a new factor- Mughals.
• ◦ Its inherent socio-economic contradictions helped in mobilising the local landed element, which became the basis for political formation.

Nature of the Maratha Political System

The nature of political system of Marathas can be divided into three main phases:

Phase I (17th century): Centralised nature of Maratha political system (under Shivaji)

Centralised state machinery:

• • Shivaji as an absolute ruler with all powers concentrated in his hands.
• • He was a benevolent despot.

Ashtapradhan:

• • Council of eight ministers appointed by Shivaji:
  • ◦ Peshwa – Prime Minister, headed Ashtapradhan
  • ◦ Amatya – Auditor,
  • ◦ Mantri – Record keeper,
  • ◦ Sachiv – incharge of Royal Secretariat,
  • ◦ Sumant – foreign secretary,
  • ◦ Senapati – commander-in-chief,
  • ◦ Pandit Rao – in charge of Religious affairs,
  • ◦ Nyayadhish – Chief Justice.
• • All ministers except Nyayadhish and Pandit Rao were required to command armies and lead expeditions. Their functions were purely advisory.
• • M G Ranade writes that “Like Napoleon, Shivaji in his time was a great organiser and a builder of civil institutions”. His system was an autocracy of which he himself was the supreme head. His administration principles included the welfare of his subjects.

Centralised military:

• • Before Shivaji, the army was made up mostly of part time soldiers who worked their fields for half the year and gave active service during the dry season.
• • Shivaji introduced a regular standing army under a Commander in Chief known as Senapati.

Navy –

• • Shivaji realised the importance of building a navy for the purpose of trade and defence against the Europeans.

Forts –

• • Forts occupied an important position in Shivaji’s Swarajya.
• • He appointed Havaldar for their administration, assisted by a Subedar and a Karkhani.
• • Multiple officials provided checks and balances.

Centralised revenue system:

• • For the purpose of revenue collection and administration, Shivaji divided his kingdom into a number of Provinces, further divided into Parganas and villages formed the lowest unit.
• • The revenue settlement was based on measurement of land.
  • ◦ Assessment after careful survey of land.
  • ◦ State dues fixed at 30%.
• • Besides land revenue Shivaji imposed various other taxes, like taxes on
  • ◦ professions,
  • ◦ trade,
  • ◦ social and religious functions.
• • To establish his supremacy over Deshmukhs, Shivaji proclaimed himself as ‘Sardeshmukh’ and introduced a tax called Sardeshmukhi.

Legitimacy to power through ideological means

• • To legitimise his rule, Shivaji claimed Kshatriya status and linked his lineage with the Sisodias.
  • ◦ He also adopted the title ‘Kshatriyakulvatamsa’ (jewel of the warrior race).
• • Further, he also adopted titles such as
  • ◦ ‘Haindav Dharmaodharak’ (protector of Hindu Dharma) and
  • ◦ ‘Gau Brahman Pratipalak’ (protector of cows and Brahmins)

Phase II (1713 to 1761): Feudal system (under the Peshwas)

• • Due to the weak successors of Shivaji, Ashtapradhan and the office of Peshwas became hereditary.
• • By the Sangola agreement of 1750, the Peshwa emerged as the real and effective head of the state and the Chatrapati became a ‘Roi Faineant’ (do-nothing King).
• • The centralised state system lost relevance and a feudal polity based on landed aristocracy emerged.
  • ◦ Deshmukhs became important.
  • ◦ Maratha chiefs like Nimbalkar, Holkar, Gaekwad, Bhonsle etc became powerful. They were headed by the Peshwa.

Phase III (From 1761) – Maratha Confederacy

• • The feudal system which began under the Peshwas, culminated in the Maratha confederacy which comprised of:
  • ◦ Peshwa of Poona
  • ◦ Sindhia of Gwalior
  • ◦ Gaekwad of Baroda
  • ◦ Bhonsle of Nagpur
  • ◦ Holkars of Indore
• • Although the Peshwa remained the head, in principle, Maratha chiefs like Gaekwad, Holkar, Sindhia, Bhonsle, etc. became almost sovereign.
• • So, there emerged a number of parallel powers as these chiefs were almost autonomous in their rights, which considerably undermined the powers of Peshwas.

The Maratha Fiscal System

Land revenue: Background:

• • During Shivaji’s reign, the revenue system seems to have been patterned on the system of Malik Ambar.
• • A new revenue assessment was completed by Annaji Datto in 1679.
• • Shivaji also strictly supervised the mirasdars, that is, those with hereditary rights in land.
  • ◦ Describing the situation, Sabhasad, who wrote in the 18th century, says that these sections paid to the government only a small part of their collections.
  • ◦ ‘In consequence, the mirasdars grew and strengthened themselves by building bastions, castles, and strongholds in the villages, enlisting footmen and musketeers... this class became unruly and seized the country.’
  • ◦ Shivaji destroyed their bastions and forced them to submit.

Mokasa, jagir and saranjams:

• • Traditionally, in the Maratha territory the terms mokasa, jagir and saranjams were often used interchangeably. However, jagirs were more permanent in nature than mokasa.
  • ◦ They were military tenures though theoretically temporary and were transferable and could be confiscated. But in practice they assumed hereditary character.
  • ◦ Officials were largely paid in the form of mokasas or jagirs in lieu of their services.
  • ◦ It is interesting to find the presence of the practice of sub-letting of Jagirs, a feature totally absent in north India.
• • Mokasadars had dual ranks, Jat and Fauj (parallel to Mughal Zat and Sawar ranks).
  • ◦ Jat denoted personal pay while Fauj was given for the maintenance of the troops.
  • ◦ The revenues were assigned to mokasadars only after deducting sardeshmukhi, chauth, and batai.
• • Shivaji discontınued granting mokasas/ saranjams/ jagirs, and instead preferred to pay his officials in cash.
  • ◦ However soon after Shivaji’s death his son Raja Ram revived the practice of granting mokasas.
  • ◦ There was the tendency on the part of mokasa holders to convert their grant as inam or watan to make it hereditary.
  • ◦ A R Kulkarni finds the tendency to convert mokasas into hereditary tenures as ‘feudal’.

Inam Lands:

• • Inam lands were revenue free assignments made to the pious, needy and the scholars.
  • ◦ Interestingly, inam lands were not completely tax free.
    • ■ They had to pay 1/3rd or 1/4th of the revenue collected to the state depending on the nature of the inam tenure.
  • ◦ Inams were of two types - Diwan Nisbat Inam and Gaon Nisbat Inam.
    • ■ The former was granted by the state through a sanad;
    • ■ while the latter were made by the village community. It was known as dehangi-inam and was granted to village artisans and servants.
• • Watan was a service tenure given to the holder in lieu of service.
  • ◦ Watans were largely held by village officials – village headmen (patil/muqaddam), village accountant (kulkarni), changula (assistant of patil), shete mahajan (village market officer), and the mahar (village watchman), temples, priests, etc.
  • ◦ In practice these were hereditary and permanent.
• • Watan and inam were used as synonyms in Maharashtra.

Evolution of Revenue Policy

• • Shivaji introduced a system of collecting a share of actual produce on the basis of land survey and measurement.
  • ◦ Fixing of state demand according to the availability of irrigation facilities was as old as the days of Manu and Kautilya, but the classification of land according to fertility and actual state of cultivation was due the influence of Malik Ambar’s revenue system.
• • Under the Peshwas, the system of survey and Measurement was largely abandoned. They preferred making grants of land on long leases on a fixed state demand.
• • The state demand as well as the mode of payment of land revenue was not uniform and varied from region to region.
• • Expansion of Agriculture
  • ◦ To incentivise cultivators to bring more and more land under cultivation the land newly brought under cultivation was lightly taxed.
    • ■ For bringing waste and rocky land under cultivation, Madhav Rao II announced that half of such land would be given in inam and for the remaining half, rent-free concessions were offered for 20 years and further concession in reduced tax for another 5 years.
• • Welfare Measures
  • ◦ In times of famine, drought, plunder of crops or failure of crops, remissions of land revenue were granted.
  • ◦ To save the cultivator from the clutches of money-lenders the state granted ‘Tagai Loans’ at low rates of interest.
• • Thus, the revenue system of the Marathas was based on the principle of security of the tax-payer.
  • ◦ However, the benevolent system was upset by Baji Rao II who introduced the system of revenue-farming.

Chauth and Sardeshmukhi:

Chauth and Sardeshmukhi were two instruments used by Shivaji and the subsequent Maratha rulers to obtain treasure from enemy territories and Deshmukhs respectively.

Chauth:

• • Shivaji demanded from the subjects of his enemies, tribute roughly equivalent to one-fourth of the estimated revenue of the province to save themselves from the harassment of his armies.
  • ◦ He captured the rich people of the enemy territory and compelled them to agree to this ransom.
  • ◦ It is roughly estimated that the income of Shivaji from Chauth alone was approximately 90 lakh hons.
• • Chauth has a long history. Koli Rajas of Ramnagar (Konkan) were collecting Chauth from the Portuguese much before Shivaji levied it.
  • ◦ That is why the Portuguese used to address the Koli Rajas as Chauthia Raja.
  • ◦ The first instance of Shivaji asking for Chauth occurs when Shivaji subdued the Kolis (after the conquest of Ramnagar) and demanded the same Chauth from the Portuguese.
  • ◦ They resented it and there followed a tussle between them over the issue. Sometimes they delayed the payments and at times avoided paying in full.
  • ◦ Gradually, the Marathas began imposing the levy on a regular basis even from those Mughal territories over which they had claim/ indirect control.

Sardeshmukhi:

• • It was imposed by Shivaji in his own dominion ‘Swarajya’ on the basis of his claim as hereditary Sardeshmukh (head-man of all Maharashtra). Thus, it was claimed by Shivaji as a matter of right unlike Chauth.
  • ◦ It was based on the claim that as the hereditary Sardeshmukh, he was entitled to compensation for protecting the welfare of the people of the state.
  • ◦ This was only a fiction and was collected from all areas which paid Chauth as well.
• • Chauth and Sardeshmukhi, however, should not be confused with the spoils of war.
• • It was 10 percent of the total revenue realised. Sardeshmukhi was fixed along with jamabandi.
• • Sabhasad (Krishnaji Anant) has estimated the income of Shivaji’s empire from Sardeshmukhi at 1 crore hons.

Debate about Chauth:

Later on in the time of the Peshwas, the Mughal emperor’s sanction was secured to collect Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the six subas of the Deccan for which the Marathas agreed to serve the Mughal government with 15,000 horses and pay a small sum as fee. Thus the enemy sources were gradually exhausted and the marathas were enabled to extend their boundaries.

View I: Chauth was similar to Wellesly’s Subsidiary Alliance System

• • This fact makes the Maratha historian Ranade say that Chauth was not a mere military contribution without any legal obligation but a payment in lieu of protection against the invasion of a third power.
  • ◦ He says that this could be compared with Wellesley’s subsidiary system. In this system, the ruler of a native state, if he chose to sign the subsidiary treaty, had to keep a British force in his territory and pay for its maintenance.
  • ◦ The East India Company in its turn undertook the duty of protecting the ruler against external invasion and internal rebellion.
  • ◦ In Shivaji’s system, though there was a tacit understanding to protect the state that pays Chauth from foreign aggression.
  • ◦ However the Maratha leaders could not pursue it to its logical end and give protection to those states.
  • ◦ In other words, under the subsidiary system, the control of the British over the other party was far more complete and exacting than under the Maratha system.

View II: Counter-view

• • According to Sardesai, Chauth was just a tribute collected from hostile or conquered territories.
• • Surendra Nath Sen is of opinion that Chauth was nothing but a contribution exacted by a military leader and maintains that this black-mail was justified by the exigencies of the situation.
• • Jadunath Sarkar thinks that the payment of Chauth merely saved a kingdom from the unwelcome presence of the Maratha soldiers and civil underlings, but did not impose on Shivaji any corresponding obligation to guard the district from foreign invasion or internal disorder.
  • ◦ The Marathas looked only to their gain and not to the fate of their prey after they had left. Chauth was only a means of buying off one robber and not a subsidiary system for the maintenance of peace and order against all enemies.
  • ◦ The lands subject to the chauth cannot therefore be rightly called spheres of influence.
  • ◦ Chauth for all intents and purposes, appears to have been a military contribution. It was paid to ward off an attack of the Marathas and perhaps to prevent their reappearance in a country.

View III: Chauth as an instrument of Feudalism

• • V.G. Dighe and S.N. Qanungo assert that in the time of the Peshwas, Chauth and Sardeshmukhi helped the growth of feudalism which Shivaji wanted to put an end to.
  • ◦ In the time of Shahu and his successors, the chiefs who raised men and money for realising Chauth and Sardeshrmukhi in distant lands on their own, could neither be expected to obey the royal orders nor render accounts of money they raised and spent.
  • ◦ The main cause for this was that the king himself showed no interest in distant operations.

Other sources:

• • The Marathas also derived some revenue from forests, customs and excise duties, mints etc.
• • Permits were sold for cutting timber from forests; forest grass, bamboo, wood and wild honey were also sold.
• • The state also granted licences for private mints to approved goldsmiths who were required to pay a royalty to the state.
• • Some other kind of taxes imposed were:
  • ◦ tax on land irrigated from wells,
  • ◦ a house tax recovered from everyone except brahmans and village officers,
  • ◦ an annual fee for the testing of weights and measures,
  • ◦ a tax on marriage and the remarriage of widows,
  • ◦ taxes on sheep and she-buffaloes,
  • ◦ a pasturage fee,
  • ◦ a tax on melon cultivation on river bed,
  • ◦ a succession duty and
  • ◦ a town duty